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Businesswoman of Ukrainian and Russian origin stabbed to death in Montenegro



Police of the resort city of Kotor, Montenegro, are investigating the murder of a Ukrainian and Russian citizen Anastasiya Lashmanova, whose fortune exceeded a hundred million euros.
According to police, the corpse of the foreign woman with traces of violence, including stab wounds, was discovered in an apartment at her place of residence, Vijesti informs. Presumably, the hotelier woman could be killed during the robbery of her apartment. According to another version, she was slain by a friend.
Lashmanova was the Director of Mimoza group and Sea trade companies. The latter bought the famous Mimoza hotel in the center of Tivat three years ago and finished building a new hotel complex in this place. The Ukrainian entrepreneur was also the owner of elite complex LaPerla, located next to marina (parking point of yachts) Porto Montenegro in Tivat. Besides, she owned Fatalna beauty salon, located in the prestigious apart-hotel Tre Canne in Budva, according to Evropeyskaya Pravda.
Lashmanova's companies were involved in construction activities in the resort of Kamenari and on the beach of Ponta Seljanova (Tivat). Lashmanova's assets are estimated at 105 million euros, pens FOS.
Resorts as ‘laundries’ for Russians
Anastasiya Lashmanova came to Montenegro several years ago. She had a Russian passport and at first, worked as a waitress. The press also provides unofficial information that businessman Valery Zadorin is behind the assets of Lashmanova. He is the owner of Russian company Aroma (Aromatic World) - one of the largest firms for the sale of luxury goods, as well as alcoholic beverages. Valery Zadorin's partner is his brother Pavel.
Valery and Pavel Zadorin were born in Kyrgyzstan and are the nephews of a former high-ranking policeman, then St. Petersburg crime lord Leb Cherepov dubbed Cherep (Skull), wrote The Moscow Post. Cherep had joint projects with Tayvanchik (Alimzhan Tokhtakhunov), Yaponchik(Vyacheslav Ivankov), Otarik (Otari Kvantrishvili), representatives of Solntsevskaya and Izmaylovskaya gangs.
When the National Sports Fund (NSF) emerged, which received enormous benefits for the supply of alcohol from abroad, the closest overseas partners of this enterprise were Tayvanchikand Cherep. Their interests in the NFS were represented by very young Pavel Zadorin, who was appointed Vice President of the NSF.
When this enterprise decided to gain a foothold in the alcohol market of St. Petersburg, NFS Head Shamil Tarpischev called the then Mayor of the northern capital, Anatoly Sobchak, and asked to aid Pavel Zadorin. Between 1995 and 1996, Zadorin owned a number of companies, including Vip Realty LLC. He also founded security company S G S.
The police repeatedly detained Pavel Zadorin on charges of committing various crimes. In 1996, Zadorin along with some Podorozhny, Petrashov, and Stadnikov ended up in jail on charges of kidnapping businesswoman Kremneva and extorting money from her. However, thanks to his extensive connections, Zadorin did not stay in the detention center for a long time, and cases against him fell apart.
Notably, Lashmanova's connection with the Zadorins, who had ties in criminal circles, poses a question of the origin of money invested in business development in Montenegro. The ‘Russian mafia’ often uses investments in the tourist, hotel and construction businesses as a means of money laundering.

For instance, five years ago Spanish Majorca apprehended ex-Director of Crystal distillery Alexander Romanov, who was hailed as the leader of Taganskaya crime group. He bought three-star hotel Mar i Pins in the resort of Paguera for 6 million euros.

Russian crime lord Shakro Molodoy's case is full of legal knots




Moscow's deputy prosecutor Vladimir Vedernikov addressed to the Presidium of the Moscow City Court asking to declare an arrest of thief in law Zakhar Kalashov (Shakro Molodoy) illegal. Two of his accomplices, Herson Hamidov and Nikolay Nikolaev, are also mentioned in the appeal. In the summer of 2017, their arrest was prolonged by three months. In the cassation, the deputy prosecutor of Moscow asked to cancel two relevant judicial acts: the decision of the Tversky court dated June 15 and the Moscow City Court on June 30.
The reason for the appeal of the Prosecutor's Office was the difference in the accusatory theory, which was brought to the defendants. For example, the documents listed different initials of some of the accused, car plates; moreover, in the first case the deceased persons, Filip Domaskin and Alexey Kitaev, were called participants in the criminal community, and in the final case - participants in the criminal group. In addition, new wording appeared in the indictment - "unidentified accomplices" and "especially large-scale extortion," as well as the date of the commission of criminal acts committed by defendant Prokhorov against injured Lev Garamov, which was not mentioned in first version case. The Prosecutor's Office believes that the courts did not have the essential information when the accused was arrested. The hearing on this issue will be held on May 18.
However, this unexpected insight of the Prosecutor's Office aroused suspicion among lawyers of Kalashov. According to Business FM, the agency wants to deprive kingpin's defense one of the essential arguments and conceals the apparent falsification. After all, the defense raised the issue of returning the case to the prosecutor even during the trial, having counted at least 14 discrepancies in the case. However, the investigators promptly "edited" the prosecution instead of re-submitting it to the defendants, and the court, in turn, rejected the relevant petitions.
Defendants are waiting for an appeal in the Moscow City Court, which may be followed by the Supreme Court of Russia, where the judges can not turn a blind eye on the violations committed. "This is a serious argument in favor of the cancellation of the verdict, they want to hide it," the lawyer says.
At the same time, Gofshtein admits that a number of errors were indeed of a technical nature, but at least four of them are of fundamental importance, for example, the appearance of "unidentified accomplices", as well as the commission of a crime within the "criminal community", and it is a significant change in the charge. "On one page, the investigation writes one charge, and on the other - another. So how should a person defend himself?", Gofshtein states.
The accusation has irreparable internal contradictions, and the verdict handed down in such circumstances is subject to cancellation.

Recall, the Nikulinsky Court of Moscow found more than ten defendants, including Shakro Molodoy, guilty of two episodes of Extortion (part 3 of Article 163 of the Criminal Code) in 2015-2016 years: 8 million rubles from owner of the Elements restaurant on Rochdelskaya Street in Moscow Zhanna Kim and 10 million rubles from businessman Lev Garamov. The thief in law was sentenced to 9 years and 10 months imprisonment in a strict regime colony.

Battle for crime lord title



 Eduard Asatryan (Edik Osetrina)

Shishkan to become crime lord No. 1 after Shakro Molodoy’s convictionOsetrina to create influential clan from among his former enemies"Boss of all bosses" of Russian mafia Shakro Molodoy sentenced to almost 10 years
Edik Osetrina is the first person who wants to challenge the Shakro’s title.
At that moment, while crime lord Zakhar Kalashov (Shakro Molodoy) has not even been escorted to the colony, new leaders of his clan have already appeared. Kingpin Eduard Asatryan (Edik Osetrina) could oppress Kalashov in the Krasnodar Territory and the Rostov region. As Rosbalt reports, he already found support from Ded Hasan’s allies.
According to the source of the agency, Asatryan, who left the race for the title of crime lord, recently established ties in the Donbass. However, he recently returned to Russia and demonstrated his special status, traveling around Moscow on the armored Mercedes-Benz S-class of the latest generation, accompanied by cars with security.
Osetrina managed to get close to criminal general Vagif Suleymanov (Vagif Bakinsky) and nephew of Ded Hasan Dmitry Chanturia (Miron). He also has good relationship with kingpin Oleg Shishkanov (Shishkan), who is replacing Shakro now. Shishkan does not spread this information
According to sources of Rosbalt, three closest to Kalashov's mobs, with whom he has ties - David Ozmanov (Dato Krasnodarsky), Nodar Asoyan (Nodar Rustavsky) and Shalva Ozmanov (Kuso) – face attacks from Osetrina. Asatryan's representatives began to visit the businessmen of the Krasnodar Territory and the Rostov region controlled by them, mainly ethnic Armenians and Greeks, explaining that they should abandon their current patrons and acquire new ones in the person of Osetrina. Several times it almost came to the point of "disassembly."
According to the interlocutors of the agency, the current situation does not mean the beginning of the conflict: Osetrina only puts feelers out and is waiting for the information about the conditions under which Kalashov will be kept (at the moment he is still in Lefortovo). If he is completely isolated from any communication, then Asatryan launch a real criminal war.
It is worth noting that at one time Osetrina was actually a right hand of Ded Hasan. However, later he fell into disgrace with Usoyan. Officially, the conflict allegedly occurred because of some kingpins. However, according to other sources, he fell out of favor precisely because of his activity in the Kuban and the Rostov region.

At the end of March the Nikulinsky District Court of Moscow sentenced Zakhar Kalashov to 9 years and 10 months of strict regime on charges of extortion of 8 million rubles ($126.600) from the owner of the Elements restaurant on Rochdelskaya Street.

The long arm of the Russian super mafia

  
Legalised crime has been established in Russia for over a century. But the kickbacks for Putin’s cronies are on the scale of billions
Mark Galeotti’s study of Russian organised crime, the product of three decades of academic research and consultancy work, is more than timely. In these days of ever more bizarre Russian attacks, it reads like the essential companion to a bewildering and aggressive new world, a world that is no longer confined behind Russian borders but seeks actively to penetrate and disrupt our own society. Essentially a history of the development of Russia’s unique form of organised crime, it constantly illuminates and clarifies the familiar, legal narrative of Russian history and the attitudes of Putin’s clique.
The Russian mafia’s distinctive culture originally emerged during the years of revolution and civil war. The collapse of the state created a vacuum for brutal criminal gangs that operated according to their own rules of honour, with their own hierarchy, language and agreements. Thieves (vory) were tattooed with symbols denoting their rank and their experiences and ‘lying tattoos’ could be forcibly removed. Betrayal of the code was answerable by death and in those early years the greatest betrayal was to collaborate with the state in any way at all. Leaders were given the title vory v zakone, thieves-in-law, for their faithful adherence to the criminal life.
Of all Stalin’s toxic inheritance, perhaps his most lethal, in retrospect, was his policy of co-opting the vory as servants of the state. With millions of helpless non-criminals flooding into the camps, the Party needed assistance, and the professional criminals provided it, terrorising the ‘politicals’ in return for a comfortable life in jail. According to the old-style lore this was collaboration, but it was too profitable for many to turn down. Varlam Shalamov, in his Kolyma Tales, wrote that the culture of the professional criminals defined life in the Gulag. The millions that passed through the camps and back into society carried vor culture into every area of Russian life.
The stagnation of the 1970s created the ideal conditions for organised crime to flourish. Corrupt politicians, black market entrepreneurs and criminal gangs worked together to compensate for the failings of the planned economy. As in America in the 1930s, Gorbachev’s well-meaning but ill-planned attempt at prohibition had an explosive effect on gang activity, but it was not until Yeltsin came to power that organised crime had its finest hour.
The chaotic 1990s, like the revolutionary years, proved the perfect incubator for crime. On one hand the gangsters provided ‘security’ to business in the absence of a functioning state; on the other they expanded ever further into business and politics themselves, with accompanying, and very public, bloodshed. In 2000 the Russian electorate, terrified by the bloody and chaotic world they now inhabited, turned with relief to Putin’s promises of stability and authority.
Behind the scenes, however, Putin came to a similar arrangement with the vory as he had with the oligarchs. Galeotti quotes a gangster being briefed to this effect by a police officer: ‘Times had changed, but it need not be a problem. We just had to be cooler, smarter, and everything would be fine.’ And Putin’s circle, of course, claims its kickbacks too — not just in the form of cash, although these are reportedly on the scale of billions, but in deed, too.
Since the invasion of Ukraine and Western sanctions, Russia is being run increasingly on a war footing, with every element of society expected to step up and prove its patriotism. Even crime bosses may find themselves pressed into service for their country. Galeotti lists examples of ‘Russian-based organised crime’ acting to further Russia’s increasingly aggressive foreign policy, which include cyber-crime, the movement of people and goods, and assassinations. With 14 suspicious deaths of Russians in the UK now under examination, it seems entirely possible that some at least may have vor prints upon them.
These days the old-style vory v zakone with their quaint tattoos and ideas about non-collaboration are little more than a trope in contemporary Russian cinema. A new type of criminal now rules, known as the avtoritet – what you might call a ‘McMafia’ businessman, as comfortable in Kensington and Monaco as Moscow, who puts his business acumen to work on a range of legitimate, ‘grey’ and thoroughly criminal concerns. Just as chic, well-educated and fluent in English as any legitimate Russian businessman, and with finances hidden behind dozens of shield companies, it’s not easy even for experts to identify the vory these days.

Yet as one Russian asks Galeotti: ‘Why do you in Britain hate our mafia in Russia but love them at home?’ As long as we allow gangsters to invest and flourish in Britain, we not only fund, but validate their existence in Russia. Theresa May has galvanised the international community to protest Russia’s criminal behaviour; now she must punish the vory financially.

Notorious Russian mobster says he just wants to go home


By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

NEW YORK (AP) — New York's most notorious living Russian mobster just wants to go back to the motherland.
Once flush from heroin trafficking, tax fraud schemes and other criminal enterprises, Boris Nayfeld is now 70, fresh out of prison for the third time, divorced and broke. And he is left with few job prospects in his adopted country, at least those in line with his experiences.
"I can't do nothing," Nayfeld griped in a thick Russian accent between shots of vodka at a restaurant a few blocks north of Brooklyn's Brighton Beach neighborhood, which has been a haven for immigrants from the former Soviet Union since the 1970s. "Give me a chance to start a new life."
Nayfeld, who still sports the shaved head, piercing eyes and tattooed, burly physique that made him an intimidating figure in the city's Russian-speaking neighborhoods for decades, told The Associated Press he longs to move back to a homeland where his skill set connecting businesspeople of all stripes will yield better dividends.
But for now he is not allowed to leave, still facing three years' probation from his latest prison term, which ended in October, a two-year stint for his role in a murder-for-hire plot that morphed into an extortion attempt.
"I lost everything," Nayfeld grumbled over a multi-course meal capped with a meringue dessert called the Pavlova. "I lost job, I lost my time for stay in prison. I lost my wife. This is enough punish for me."
Living straight is a new experience for Nayfeld, who first came to the U.S. from Belarus in the late 1970s with a wave of Jewish emigres from the former Soviet Union who said they were fleeing religious persecution. But by his own admission, Nayfeld got into crime as soon as he arrived to the U.S.
Over his career, Nayfeld, also known as Biba, has been convicted of fraud, tobacco smuggling and shipping heroin stashed in TVs from Thailand via Poland. He has publicly threatened to kill rivals and escaped one attempt on his life when a bomb placed under his car failed to detonate.
In 1986, Nayfeld was shot in the hand when gunmen with automatic weapons burst into an office where he ran a lucrative gasoline tax-skimming scheme, killing a friend and fellow criminal named Elia Zeltzer, after whom his son, Eli, is now named. And he was at the scene a year earlier when the feared Russian godfather Evsei Agron was assassinated.
 Boris Nayfeld poses for a picture at the Russian Baths in the Brooklyn borough of New York, Thursday, Jan. 18, 2018. New York's most notorious living Russian mobster wants to go back to the motherland. Recently released from his third stint in prison, this time for his role in a murder-for-hire plot turned extortion attempt, Nayfeld is divorced, broke and discouraged about his job prospects. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
 Nayfeld, who was dubbed an "organizer, enforcer and narcotics distributor" for the Russian mafia in a 1997 U.S. Customs intelligence report, said he has no regrets about his life of crime.
"Never. No. When I'm born again, I do it the same," he said.
At his sentencing last July, an assistant U.S. attorney told a federal judge that while Nayfeld has "for most of his adult life been in Russian organized crime," and effectively traded on his reputation to extract payment from a wealthy Russian-born shipping magnate going through a bitter divorce, he's not actually that scary anymore.
"And so I think perhaps we are at a moment where the reinforcing cycle of the myth of Boris Nayfeld has probably reached its end," said the prosecutor, Andrew Thomas.
That remains to be seen, said Judge Katherine Forrest, who imposed the lighter sentence with "some discomfort" based on the government's recommendation, according to a transcript of the proceeding.
For his part, the burly Nayfeld said he is determined not to return to prison. Getting by on a $750-a-month Social Security check, he said he is avoiding most of the locations where former associates and criminals from a younger generation of Russians gather — except, that is, for the bathhouse.
He has decided to once again trade in on his reputation, shopping his life rights to production companies considering a reality TV show featuring past players from the Russian criminal underworld, according to his son, Eli Kiperman.
In many ways, the Brooklyn that Nayfeld has returned to doesn't resemble the rough-and-tumble streets he once roamed, when crime, especially violent crime, among Russian immigrants in New York hit historic highs in the early 1990s. Back then, warring outfits of Russian crooks littered the streets with bodies.
 Boris Nayfeld poses for a picture at the Russian Baths in the Brooklyn borough of New York, Thursday, Jan. 18, 2018. New York's most notorious living Russian mobster wants to go back to the motherland. Recently released from his third stint in prison, this time for his role in a murder-for-hire plot turned extortion attempt, Nayfeld is divorced, broke and discouraged about his job prospects. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig)
 Still, said Seva Kaplan, a Russia-born radio host who struck up an unlikely friendship with Nayfeld years after the now-aging gangster threatened to kill him at the request of a mutual acquaintance, Russian criminals today run a range of enterprises throughout New York, including moneymaking Medicaid and credit card fraud rings, as well as traditional protection rackets, gambling and prostitution operations.
After the infamous mob boss Agron was killed, Nayfeld served as a bodyguard and chauffer for the next don of the Russian mob, Marat Balagula.
Balagula maintained an office at the El Caribe Country Club, a Brooklyn catering hall and event space owned by the uncle of President Donald Trump's longtime personal lawyer, Michael Cohen.
The uncle, Dr. Morton Levine, said that all his nieces and nephews have an ownership in the company, but that Cohen "gave up his stake," after Trump was elected.
Nayfeld is a Trump supporter, and believes the special counsel investigation into the Trump campaign's contact with Russia, and the nonstop news coverage about it, is over the top and counterproductive to U.S.-Russian relations.

Trump "is a businessman, he don't care who give him money for project," Nayfeld said. "I'm the same."

Inconvenient doc



St. Petersburg police are seeking the whereabouts in the United States of Dozhd TV news channel editor Roman Badanin in connection with a film linking a Russian businessman suspected of mafia connections with President Vladimir Putin.
Police opened a slander investigation against the liberal-leaning channel late last year for airing a documentary claiming that businessman Ilya Traber is “the only living kingpin who Putin has admitted to knowing.”